International Day of the Girl Child 2023:
Analyzing the Status of Afghan Girls Two Years after the Taliban Takeover through the WPS and YPS Agendas
By Emily Davis, Founder & Convener, Youth Alliance Working Group of the Children’s Policy and Funding Initiative | Kate Mallory, Global Campaign for Education- US Student Fellow | Dana Marion, Global Campaign for Education- US Student Fellow | Elina Salian, B.A. Candidate in Economics at GW | Maha Shoaib, Global Campaign for Education- US Graduate Fellow | Anusha Tamhane, M.A. Candidate at the Elliott School of International Affairs
Amnesty International
Introduction
The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda
On October 31, 2000, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) unanimously adopted resolution 1325, and from there adopted the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 addressed the fact that civilians, namely women and children, face disproportionate impacts of violent conflict, and as such, women’s roles in preventing conflict and peacebuilding processes must be increased (source: UN WPS agenda). The WPS agenda has four main pillars:
Participation: Increasing the role and visibility of women at all levels of decision making in the conflict resolution and peace-building processes to prevent, manage, and resolve conflict
Protection: Undertaking efforts to protect women and girls from sexual- and gender-based violence (S)GBV, especially during and after violent conflict
Prevention: Taking necessary steps to prevent violence against women and girls (ex. (S)GBV) by punishing perpetrators and strengthening women’s rights
Relief and Recovery: Viewing conflict and crises through a gendered lens to advance relief and recovery measures (ex. Accounting for the unique needs of women in girls in humanitarian settings such as refugee camps)
In the years following the adoption of UNSCR 1325, many UN Member States began creating National Action Plans (NAP) to address the ways in which they plan to implement the four pillars of the WPS agenda within their country. A country’s NAP outlines its government’s strategy for implementing the agenda by specifying domestic and international actions to be taken to secure the rights of women and girls in conflict settings and womens’ meaningful participation in decision making and peace processes. To date, over half of all UN Member States, 107 to be exact, have adopted an NAP, however it is pertinent to note that about 30 percent of those NAPs expired in 2022 or before.
The Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS) Agenda
The creation of the Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS) agenda began in 2015, when the UNSC recognized the role that young people play in the peace process and adopted UNSCR 2250, which has five pillars for action. UNSCR 2419 (2018) and UNSCR 2535 (2020) complement UNSCR 2250 (2015) by building upon the realization that young people need to be involved in peace-building processes. (source: WPS/YPS complementaries) Three of the five pillars are similar to those in the WPS agenda, and two are unique:
Participation: Taking youth perspectives into account during peace-building and security-related decision making processes
Protection: Protecting young people, strengthening human rights, and prosecuting perpetrators
Prevention: Ensuring that violence against young people is prevented
Partnership: Including young people in peace-building and decision making processes, including giving them a voice at both the local and international levels (ex. Within UN bodies)
Disengagement and Reintegration: Providing young people who have been affected by violent conflict opportunities for continuing education and employment
The YPS agenda subverted the notion of young men as perpetrators of violence and young women as victims of violence by asserting that young people are rarely involved in violence, and in fact, can be agents of peace. While there are similarities between the WPS and YPS agendas and pillars, as they both seek to increase the representation of groups that are traditionally excluded from peace and security-related decision making processes, each agenda addresses different forms of exclusion. For instance, young boys will eventually age out of age-based discrimination, yet young girls will grow older and continue to experience gender-based discrimination. Additionally, the two agendas differ because the WPS agenda has expanded into a global framework, with many countries adopting their own NAPs, while similar frameworks for the YPS agenda are still in development. (source: WPS/YPS complementaries)
At the intersection of the WPS and YPS agenda is a sustainable framework to create and maintain sustainable peace. These parallel UNSCR resolutions are intertwined in their intent towards changing the approach toward conflict resolution at all levels on an international scale. These agendas are integral lenses for examining the state of gender inequality internationally. In Afghanistan, however, society has regressed under strict Sharia law implemented by recent Taliban rule, putting girls’ and women’s rights into complete question for the foreseeable future.
Gender Apartheid in Afghanistan
Since the Taliban takeover following the United States’s disorganized departure in August of 2021, the Taliban have all but erased women and girls participation in the public sphere. The Taliban initially promised to allow women and girls to continue their education and be allowed to work, but they almost immediately rolled back these rights, among others. Today, along with lack of access to education and employment, women and girls are prohibited from traveling long distances without a male relative and visiting public places such as gyms and parks.
According to experts, the Taliban’s erasure of women and girls from the public sphere and restriction of their rights can be classified as gender apartheid, with the clear intent to discriminate against women and girls. The word ‘apartheid’ was first used to refer to the unequal treatment of Black South Africans from 1948 to 1994 and is mainly used to define instances of racial oppression. While persecution on the basis of gender is considered a crime against humanity, gender apartheid has yet to be recognized as such, and the term is currently only used descriptively. However, with the situation for women and girls in Afghanistan only worsening, the term gender apartheid is increasingly relevant to describe the lack of rights and access to public spaces that women and girls in Afghanistan are facing. In 2022, women’s rights activist Naheed Farid urged the international community to refer to the Taliban as a ‘gender apartheid’ regime, citing the fact that the term ‘apartheid’ served as a catalyst for change in South Africa, and could potentially do the same for women and girls in Afghanistan. The international campaign ‘End Gender Apartheid’ was launched on International Women’s Day of this past year, 2022, and calls for gender apartheid to be recognized under national and international laws as a crime against humanity. Expanding this legal definition may be the push that some governments need to make tangible changes and uphold national/international humanitarian laws.
Prevention
Prevention of Violence
Two years have passed since the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan, and the situation for Afghan girls remains perilous. Amid the chaos and uncertainty, the United Nations' Women, Peace, and Security Agenda and Youth, Peace, and Security Framework stand as beacons of hope, guiding our efforts to prevent violence against women and girls in this war-torn nation. Violence against women and girls is not an isolated issue; it is deeply rooted in gender-based discrimination, societal acceptance of violence, and the perpetuation of harmful gender stereotypes. Historically, the approach has centered on responding to and providing services for survivors of violence. But to truly eradicate this scourge, we must shift our focus to prevention – addressing the underlying causes, risk factors, and protective measures associated with violence. Prevention is our best weapon against the epidemic of violence that has plagued Afghan women and girls for far too long. It necessitates unwavering political commitment, the implementation of laws that promote gender equality, investment in women's organizations, and a concerted effort to dismantle the various forms of discrimination women endure daily. Fortunately, we have seen significant progress in the understanding and implementation of prevention strategies over the past decade, thanks in part to initiatives championed by UN Women.
For example, UN Women has developed evidence-based policies and programs aimed at preventing violence against women and girls. One crucial aspect of their prevention strategy is centered on early education, fostering respectful relationships, and engaging with men and boys. This engagement extends into areas such as media, sports, and the world of work, where UN Women seeks to challenge harmful gender norms and stereotypes. Research plays a pivotal role in this endeavor. UN Women conducts extensive research into the attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors of men, boys, and young people regarding various forms of violence. This research informs advocacy, awareness-raising campaigns, community mobilization efforts, and educational programs. Furthermore, it contributes to legal and policy reforms that are essential in changing the structural factors that perpetuate violence. By addressing the root causes of violence and involving the younger generation, we can hope for a future where Afghan girls can live free from the shadow of violence and oppression. Preventing violence against women is not just an aspiration, it is an urgent necessity that must be embraced by all nations and organizations committed to a brighter future for Afghanistan's women and girls.
Girls Rights under the Law
The 'Girl Child' represents a vital interdisciplinary domain, one intricately linked to both the status of children and that of women. The Convention on the Rights of the Child underscores the principle that every child, regardless of their background or circumstances, is entitled to enjoy their rights without discrimination. This includes the girl child, whose rights must be upheld and protected. However, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action for Equality, Development, and Peace have shed light on a disheartening reality in many countries: indicators reveal that the girl child faces discrimination from the earliest stages of life, continuing through childhood and into adulthood. Girls are subjected to societal oppression merely for being children and for being female. This discrimination is rooted in deeply ingrained gender-biased traditions, which prescribe roles and practices that are fundamentally unjust to female children. From the outset, girls are often treated as inferior and are socialized to prioritize others over themselves, undermining their self-esteem and stifling their potential. Gender-biased educational systems further compound these issues, with curricula, educational materials, teacher attitudes, and classroom interactions perpetuating existing gender inequalities. Consequently, girls receive less encouragement than boys to engage in and learn about the social, economic, and political workings of society, limiting their opportunities for participation in decision-making processes. Compounding these challenges, girls frequently face pressures to engage in premature sexual activity. This vulnerability exposes them to sexual violence and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS, with grave consequences for their health. Early motherhood, a consequence of such pressures, entails significant risks during pregnancy and childbirth, disproportionately affecting girls and young women.
To address these issues affecting the girl child, governments must adopt an active and visible plan to incorporate a gender perspective into all policies and programs. A proactive approach ensures that decision-making processes consider the differential impacts on girls and boys. By eliminating discrimination and empowering girls through education, healthcare, and self-esteem, we can pave the way for a brighter, more equitable future for the girl child, not just in Afghanistan but across the globe. The rights of girls must be championed, their voices heard, and their potential unleashed, for they are the leaders and change-makers of tomorrow.
Peace Initiatives and Conflict Resolution
Amidst this turbulent landscape, women and youth remain resilient in their quest for peace. The youth of Afghanistan find themselves in a precarious situation where hope and opportunities are in short supply. The Taliban's promises of reform and change ring hollow, echoing a familiar refrain from their previous rule. Taliban Deputy Foreign Minister Mohammad Abbas Stanikzai's recent statements regarding girls' education bear an eerie resemblance to past assurances. The Taliban claim they are working towards opening secondary schools for girls to attend, but history reminds us that these promises have been made before, only to be broken. Over two decades ago, during their earlier rule from 1996-2001, the Taliban assured the world that they were on the cusp of a profound transformation. Yet, the ban on women and girls' education remained firmly in place. Fast forward to today, and despite pledges of reopening girls' schools, most remain closed, casting a grim shadow over the future of Afghan youth, particularly girls, who are being denied access to education, one of the most fundamental rights. The closure of girls' schools exposes the Taliban's fear and regressive ideology. The Taliban, entrenched in decades of conflict, continues to pose a threat to Afghans and global peace. In a nation where more than 60 percent of the population is under 25, young people represent a formidable force for peace and human rights. Afghan youth cannot afford to wait for the Taliban to change their ways. They must be at the forefront of building a better future, one that reflects their aspirations for peace and progress.
The active involvement of Afghan women in peace initiatives is a necessity for Afghanistan's sustained peace and prosperity. Recent case studies underscore the urgency of this involvement, illuminating the challenges and opportunities women face in the Afghan peace process. These studies leave no room for doubt that women's participation in peace efforts is indispensable for Afghanistan's peace. This isn't about symbolism; it's about a vital imperative that demands proactive support from the government and the international community. Afghan women have been resourceful in maximizing their impact despite often being relegated to symbolic roles. They have taken on roles that range from raising awareness about peace to engaging in direct dialogues with anti-government elements. They have established local non-governmental councils for peace and actively contributed to conflict resolution, particularly in cases related to family violence and violence against women. Women's rights activists and civil society institutions have organized numerous workshops, conferences, and advocacy programs to promote women's participation in national peace efforts. These efforts have been met with a positive response from those who acknowledge their significance. However, amidst these positive strides, numerous barriers persist, hindering women's political participation. Pervasive gender-based violence, entrenched ideological and cultural norms, male-dominated structures, heightened insecurity, and traditional obstacles continue to limit women's involvement. It is essential to note that arguments against women's political participation often use religious justifications. Many religious leaders in Afghanistan do not understand the context and message behind women’s rights; however, if they are actively engaged through an Islamic framework, they can better understand the meaning of female involvement in peace-building. Many Afghan women voice fear and distrust of the Taliban, coupled with concerns about the international community's commitment to women's rights and participation in the peace process. Despite their active participation in various peace platforms, women grapple with a lack of meaningful involvement, decision-making authority, and equal rights compared to their male counterparts.
It is abundantly clear that their inclusion in peace processes is not merely a moral obligation but a strategic necessity. Afghan youth and women are demonstrating unwavering resilience and resourcefulness in the face of formidable challenges. It is the shared responsibility of the Afghan government and the international community to remove the barriers that obstruct women's participation and to ensure that their voices are not only heard but also heeded, their rights protected, and their contributions celebrated in the quest for enduring peace and stability in Afghanistan.
Participation
Women in Afghanistan are banned from participating in most if not all, public spaces. They are either not allowed to go to these places at all, or can only visit if they are accompanied by a man. As of 2023, women cannot go to beauty salons, public parks, gyms, school, amusement parks, and more. According to UN Women, Afghan women report feeling invisible, isolated, and as if they are confined to a prison. Prohibiting women from public participation continues to block them from their access to other essentials needed for a happy and healthy quality of life. Women are unable to find healthcare and psychological support for survivors of domestic and sexual violence. All of these violations serve as forms of violence against women, signaling the urgent need for humanitarian intervention in the gender equality space.
Political Participation
Excluding women from government participation enables the cycle of patriarchal harms to continue. The Taliban banned women from holding positions in office not long after they took over the country. The Taliban almost immediately dissolved the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, which effectively eliminated women from political participation. Prior to the Taliban takeover, women held 6.5% of ministerial positions in Afghanistan, and 27% of the Afghan Parliament was composed of women. With these bans in place, Afghanistan is one of the countries that has no women in top leadership positions. The ban on national participation extends into a ban on women to exercise leadership on an international scale as well.
Civil Society
Women are no longer allowed to work for NGOs or the United Nations, which further cuts them off from calling for help and creating a much-needed change. Several female-based groups and activists have organized and protested their second-class status under the Taliban rule, but it comes under increased risk. They have lost their platform to speak up, but as U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken noted in 2021, “the women and girls of Afghanistan and other vulnerable targeted people have simply refused to back down.” Although organization in Afghanistan is limited and risky, the U.S. State Department launched the U.S.-Afghan Consultative Mechanism (UNACM). UNACM is composed of different female-led Afghan coalitions, including civil society activists, academics, journalists, all inside and outside of Afghanistan. The purpose of USACM has been to inform U.S. policy on issues of human rights and female participation in Islam.
Female exclusion from nearly all aspects of daily life is detrimental to society. More strikingly, the Taliban’s reversal of rights has undermined decades of progress and regressed Afghan society. Although the girls and women of Afghanistan have proven to have extreme resilience in the face of severe inequality, the Taliban have systematically removed their participation from society and stripped them of their rights, which will have boundless consequences.
Protection
Sexual and gender-based violence due to dissenting against Taliban authorities
The situation of women and girls in Afghanistan is compounded by the fear of reprisals faced by women who previously held important roles within the government and civil service. Many of them now live in constant dread of retribution for their prior work, despite the Taliban's declaration of a "general amnesty." Some women civil servants have been instructed to stay home, limiting their participation in the workforce, even though the Taliban claims they are still being paid, albeit at reduced salaries. However, this is no justification for denying women their right to work. Women's participation in public life has been systematically dismantled. Previously, women played vital roles in events like the 2002 emergency assembly (Loya Jirga) and actively participated as voters and candidates in presidential and parliamentary elections. They constituted more than 30% of voters between 2004 and 2019. Today, their voices are forcibly silenced as peaceful demonstrations led by women demanding their rights have been met with brutality. The Taliban's edict banning unapproved demonstrations has created a hostile environment for protests, even when permission is granted.
Reports show that women protesters have been beaten, arbitrarily arrested, detained, and subjected to sexual violence amounting to torture. This includes men advocating for women's rights who have faced arrest and ill-treatment. This atmosphere of fear and repression has not deterred Afghan women from advocating for their rights in creative and courageous ways. Despite being the primary advocates for their rights, Afghan women have been excluded from important international meetings discussing the situation in Afghanistan. This exclusion contradicts the principles of the Women and Peace and Security framework and international conventions on gender discrimination.
In the face of these dire circumstances, it is imperative that the international community, guided by the United Nations' Women, Peace, and Security Agenda, stands in solidarity with Afghan women. Efforts must be made to protect them from gender-based violence, ensure their representation, and empower their voices to rebuild a just and equitable society. The world cannot remain silent while Afghan women endure this grave injustice; their rights and dignity must be upheld, and their voices must be heard.
Response during Emergency Situations
It is imperative that we also turn our attention to the most vulnerable within the Afghan population: adolescent girls. These girls face heightened risks of gender-based violence, and their protection during humanitarian responses in emergency situations demands our immediate attention. The intersectionality of age and gender exacerbates the challenges faced by Afghan adolescent girls. The additional risk factors that come into play during emergencies further compound their vulnerability. Yet, when it comes to humanitarian efforts, adolescent girls often fall through the cracks. The gender-based violence and child protection sectors often lack a clear division of labor, leaving these girls neglected and violence against them unaddressed. To effectively protect Afghan adolescent girls during humanitarian emergencies, we must adopt a more comprehensive approach. An adapted ecological framework for understanding gender-based violence risks facing these girls is essential. This framework considers the multiple layers of influence, from individual to societal, that contribute to their vulnerability. Furthermore, we must examine the existing evidence for gender-based violence prevention and response. While our understanding of the issue is limited, promising interventions have been identified. These interventions not only focus on transforming girls' attitudes about violence and gender inequality, but also on improving their psychosocial and mental well-being. However, we must acknowledge that there is currently little evidence to support the ability of existing approaches to reduce gender-based violence incidence in Afghanistan.
As we work towards ending gender-based violence globally, it is crucial to ensure that our efforts are inclusive of adolescent girls. This requires a more explicit focus on their unique needs and vulnerabilities when designing and evaluating interventions. By doing so, we can better protect Afghan adolescent girls during humanitarian responses, ensuring that they are not left behind or forgotten in the midst of a crisis. In this critical moment, as Afghanistan faces ongoing challenges, let us prioritize the safety and well-being of its adolescent girls. They are not just victims, they are agents of change who deserve every opportunity to thrive in a safer and more equitable world.
Case Study: Child Marriage
The 2004 Afghan Constitution criminalized discrimination between men and women and guaranteed equal rights under the law. Article 70 of the Civil Law of Afghanistan effective in 1977 declares the legal age for marriage for boys is eighteen and for girls is sixteen. Afghanistan passed more legislation to combat gender violence and severe inequality in 2009 with the law on Elimination of Violence Against Women (EVAW), which defined and delineated prosecution and punishment for different types of gender violence, including under-age marriage. Under Article 28 of the law, under-age marriage is strictly forbidden and those who are fully prosecuted and sentenced face a minimum of two years of imprisonment.
Afghanistan also signed and ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 2004 and signed the UN Protocol on the Elimination of Child Marriage in 2005.
Although these legislative efforts brought gender discrimination under scrutiny, they were largely ineffective and set the stage for the current proliferative state of child marriage under Taliban Rule. The Taliban has upheld the practice of exchanging brides, regardless of age, between families, and the rates of child and forced marriage have since surged; “honor” killings, in which girls and women who refuse to uphold a societal tradition, including a forced marriage, can be killed to preserve the honor of their family, have similarly continued. While the Taliban’s leader issued a decree in 2021 also outlawing forced marriages, this superficial declaration has not been enforced. Even with consent, girls are unable to attend school and work, leaving them with little hope for their futures.
Cable News Network (CNN) investigated the story of Parwana Malik, a 9 year old girl in the Badghis province of Afghanistan, who was told by her father that she was being sold as a bride in October of 2021, shortly after the Taliban takeover. The groom, a stranger to Parwana, was a 55 year old man who offered Parwana’s father the equivalent of around $2,200 worth of sheep, land, and cash in exchange for the young girl. Her older sister, who was 12 at the time, had also been sold that year. With international aid ceasing and economic collapse, basic necessities like food had become expensive, and for many fathers, the solution to hunger and desperation rested in using their daughters. The father told CNN he had no other choice and exhausted all other options; in a family of eight, he resorted to this form of money after trying to find work in the city and borrowing significant money from relatives. Parwana had dreams of continuing school and wanted to become a teacher, but the Taliban takeover stripped her of her education and future.
After the story was released, the media attention and international reaction outcried the marriage and village, which paved the way for the U.S. based nonprofit Too Young to Wed (TWTW) to become involved. Her entire family was relocated from their internationally displaced persons (IDP) camp and will remain in a TWTW safe house for the remainder of the winter. However, the future is still unclear, and acute food shortage and malnutrition persist in starving the majority of Afghans.
While media scrutiny kept Parwana from becoming a child bride, it is likely that for many young girls in Afghanistan, this will be their reality. Child marriage has lasting negative impacts on a girl’s life. It endangers her physical well-being, as she will be at greater risk for early pregnancy, difficult delivery and high child mortality, or in the case where she faces difficulty in preparedness for pregnancy and childbirth, she will often face violence from her husband and his family.
Conclusion
Effects of intergenerational trauma
The return of the Taliban regime has brought forth numerous challenges, particularly in the context of gender inequality. A new generation of Afghan girls is coming of age in an environment characterized by what can only be described as a deeply troubling form of gender apartheid. The tragic truth is that decades of conflict, pervasive violence and unrelenting instability have led to a cycle of trauma that has left an indelible mark on the collective psyche of the Afghan people. This trauma is not confined to the present, it is a haunting legacy that will inevitably be passed on to the future generations, entrenched within the very fabric of family and community structures.
Amid this harrowing cycle of intergenerational trauma, Afghan women and girls will bear a disproportionate share of its burdens. They are the ones who will grapple with the consequences of this traumatic legacy, facing physical and psychological violence, coerced marriages, and the denial of access to education and healthcare. As the world looks on, we must conform to the grim reality of this situation and seek solutions to alleviate the profound suffering of Afghan women and girls.
Under the Taliban’s rule, girls’ access to education has been severely curtailed and women have faced restrictions on their mobility, work opportunities and participation in public life. The long-term impact of these cumulative restrictions is nothing short of devastating, affecting not only women and girls but the entire Afghan population. This context of gender apartheid excludes women from the society and perpetuates cycles of poverty and dependency, exacerbating gender disparities. It subjects every aspect of female existence to control and scrutiny, normalizing harmful gender norms that can become internalized, leading to self-limiting beliefs and behaviors that persist into adulthood. The result is a society with restricted agency and diminished autonomy, carrying a profound and enduring psychological and social consequence, particularly for Afghan girls who grow up in this environment.
The discriminatory denial and oppression of women and girls’ rights under the Taliban regime amounts to nothing less than gender persecution, a crime against humanity. These restrictions not only challenge the well-being of the present generations but also cast a long, ominous shadow over the prospects of the generations to come. As we bear witness to these injustices, it is our collective responsibility to stand against gender apartheid and work tirelessly to ensure that the resilience and strength of Afghan women and girls ultimately triumphs over adversity, breaking the cycle of intergenerational trauma and paving the way for a more equitable and just future for all generations to come.
Effects of excluding women from the workforce
Excluding women from the workforce results in a substantial loss of productivity for the country. Women, constituting a substantial portion of the labor force, have historically been the backbone of various sectors, including education, healthcare, and administration. Their contributions are not only valuable but also vital, sustaining the nation’s economic equilibrium. However, the exclusion of women from these roles forces countless households to rely on a sole breadwinner, often male family members. This overreliance creates vulnerability to economic shocks and exacerbates the already alarming poverty rates. Women, who are unable to participate in the formal workforce often turn to the informal sector, which offers lower wages, job insecurity, and fewer legal protections. This grim reality further marginalized women and perpetuates the cycle of economic inequality.
Another distressing consequence of the exclusion of women from professional and academic spheres is the phenomenon of brain drain. Talented and educated Afghan women, possessing a wealth of expertise and potential, have been compelled to seek opportunities elsewhere, fleeing the country in pursuit of a more inclusive environment. This exodus deprives Afghanistan of invaluable human capital, stifling progress, and innovation across various sectors. When the perspectives and talents of half the population are systematically excluded, it is not just the women who suffer, the entire nation pays the price.
The exclusion of women from the workforce is inexorably linked to the severe restrictions imposed on girls’ education by the Taliban policies. These policies not only limit girls’ access to education but also deny them the opportunity to acquire the skills and knowledge necessary for personal and societal growth. The absence of women in the workforce and academia means that girls have fewer female role models to look up to which can hinder their aspirations and limit their belief in what they can achieve. The denial of education to girls not only limits their immediate prospects but also has long-term consequences for Afghanistan's development. A less educated workforce is ill-equipped to confront the complex challenges of our times, and the nation's capacity to contribute to global economic growth is significantly curtailed.
In the face of these grave consequences, Afghanistan must recognize the indispensable role of women in its workforce and take immediate, decisive steps to rectify this exclusion. Only by harnessing the talents, skills, and potential of all its citizens, irrespective of gender, can Afghanistan hope to realize its full potential on the path to progress and prosperity.